Requiem for the Ethiopian regime
By Koert Lindijer for NRC Handelsblad
newspaper
Dutch into English translation: Assefa Negash (M.D.)
December 15, 2005 (ADDIS ABABA) - Donor countries are insisting
on democratization which has led to a deep crisis in Ethiopia.
Now that the regime has lost its credibility and repression
is increasing, the donors do not know what to do.
The news on state television shows footage of demonstrators
in Washington, demonstrating in favor of the government in Addis
Ababa. In actual fact, the angry demonstrators are protesting
against the government of Prime Minster Meles Zenawi. The Ethiopian
state media is dead silent about the plight of the political
opposition. The state media does not consider news-worthy the
long line of trucks that are transporting tens of thousands
of young people who have been rounded up and are being transported
to detention centers outside the capital city. “Government
employees crow or utter loudly in chorus by saying that there
is no crisis in Ethiopia”.
The political crisis spreads out and the repression increases
but the government maintains or keeps up the appearance of a
state of affair whereby nothing out of the ordinary or abnormal
is taking place in Ethiopia. In Africa’s largest market
known as the Mercato in Addis Ababa, the urban dwellers committee
officials (Kebele officials as they are locally known) of the
government have withdrawn the trading licenses of shop owners
who have supported the strike called by the opposition in November
2005. Taxi drivers, who out of solidarity with the CUD, did
hoot or honk their horns on the day of the strike in November
2005, have also lost their taxi ownership licenses. The remaining
free opposition leaders (currently in parliament) complain about
storm troops or commandos who are taking revenge on opposition
party members in the countryside. Journalists and chief editors
are hiding and critical newspapers do not appear or come off
print any more. The leaders of the biggest opposition party
the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) have been put behind
bars on suspicion of high treason. In the aftermath of the contentious
or controversial May 2005 election, the Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has reacted in a panicky
and frantic manner.
The
election in May 2005, the only democratic public consultation
in three thousand years, caused a political earthquake. In the
beginning it looked as though it was about “donor democracy”;
i.e. democratization which has not been forced on the government
by the people but has been imposed on the government by the
West as a precondition to get Western help. Prime Minister Meles
gave heed or listened to the wish of the West because he was
convinced that his EPRDF would easily win the May 2005 election.
During the election period, free debates were conducted on radio,
TV and at public meetings in towns and cities for three months.
During the debate Mr. Bereket Simeon, the EPRDF campaign leader
and colleague of prime Minster Meles Zenawi, lost out to Dr.
Berhanu Nega , the dapper or strong vice chairman of CUD.
The
new openness appeared to be a revelation and brought about drastic
or radical changes: i.e. the usually submissive people of Ethiopia
began to doubt the invulnerability or inviolability of the government.
To the surprise of every one, the majority of the Ethiopian
people voted against the government. Many cities voted in favor
of the opposition. In the capital city Addis Ababa, the EPRDF
did not even win a single parliament seat. The government of
Meles Zenawi has lost its credibility.
The
EPRDF has never been popular in all parts of the country. In
May 1991, only three days after the guerilla fighters under
Meles Znawi brought down the hated military regime of Mengistu
Haile Mariam, demonstrations were staged against the EPRDF in
Addis Ababa. The population of the capital city felt that it
was liberated by the wrong liberators. Meles Zenawi reacted
to this calmly but arrogantly. “The city dwellers do not
yet understand our peasant movement. Through political education
they (the city dwellers) would get insight”. A year later
the Oromos, the largest population group of Ethiopia, came out
in rebellion in the south. The rebellion was severely suppressed
by the EPRDF fighters. Again Meles Zenawi reacted resolutely
by saying: “The Oromos do not understand our good intentions”.
In
a requiem for EPRDF, words of praise for the ruling party are
also due here. The EPRDF has been responsible for stability
and for introducing economic and political liberalization. In
some parts of the country, there is talk of a big progress.
In the north, in Tigray, where the TPLF rebels of Meles Zenawi
began their struggle, there are now asphalted roads. In the
rough and stony landscape of Tigrai, peasants have constructed
terraces (arable land) and lakes (for irrigation). Tigrai has
got a new face.
The
Achille's heel of the regime always remains the fact that the
EPRDF has remained a political party dominated by Tigreans.
The EPRDF government divided the country into ethnically based
federal states with self rule. The EPRDF formed Democratic People’s
Organisations (PDOs) but these PDOs continue to serve as façade
or front for Tigreans who decide on all important matters and
pull the strings. In popular parlance the Ethiopian people refer
to these PDOs as “condoms of the EPRDF”. The PDOs
also lost out to the opposition during the May 2005 elections.
In the federal states located in the low lands such as the Ogaden
and Gambela, local resistance fighters fight against the Tigreans
who are considered as “invading troops of highlanders”.
During
the last weeks, Western diplomats vainly tried to restrain or
moderate Meles Zenawi and the EPRDF. The EPRDF government rejects
any dialogue with the opposition and has refused to establish
or set up the Addis Ababa local authority. Meles Zenawi lashed
out at the Western donor countries by saying “If they
(the Western powers) think they can blackmail us, then, they
do not know the history of Ethiopia”. The cornered opposition
wants external pressure to be applied on the EPRDF. From his
prison cell Hailu Shawel, the chairman of CUD, criticized the
Western donor governments for only paying lip-service to the
democratization process in Ethiopia.
Yearly
Ethiopia receives more than 1 billion US dollars of foreign
aid. The World Bank is the biggest donor to Ethiopia. Last week
Ishak Diwan, head of the World Bank in Addis Ababa, demanded
a better policy from the government and said that “the
current crisis is intolerable”. “The donor countries
are not ready for divorce with Ethiopia,” declared Diwan.
“But we have to work on our relation”.
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1.
Requiem refers to a dirge or special mass for the repose of
souls of the dead or song of mourning sung at burial in commemoration
of the dead.
2.
The photograph that appeared in the newspaper article shows
opposition leader Dr. Berhanu Nega who is flanked by soldiers
as he was being taken back to prison after the court extended
his stay in prison. He is on hunger strike since Monday 28th
of November 2005.
